In 1938-39 Ernst Schäfer had led a much publicized expedition to Tibet on a quest to investigate the origins of the Aryan race. It is thanks to the that time Belgian Minister Van Acker, a meticulous chronicler of court gossip, who referred to it in his private diary’s that we know about this.(See Rolf Falter,. "je te quitte jamais:' Het koningshuis in de aantekeningen van Achiel van Acker.' Standaard Magazine, 3 Apr. 1988: pp. 18-21.)
Incidently, around the same time that Schäfer joined Leopold III in Central Africa, the former co-worker of Schäfer during his Tibet expedition, Bruno Beger organized together with another former SS Ludwig Ferdinand Claus an anthropological expedition to North Africa, “in search of the Race Soul” (C.Hale, Himmler’s Crusade, 2003, p. 369)
Van Acker noted that after King Leopold II stepped down in favor of his 17 year old son Baudouin, the former King became interested in ethnology and went on photo and film safaris to primitive tribes in the Asian, African and South-American rainforests, engaging the famous Ernst Schäfer to help him.
Already during his Tibet expedition Schäfer is known to have bought the skulls of Tibetans while they were being prepared to be buried (see picture on the left). The person whom Schäfer hired to help him with this, was Akeh Bhutia seen on the right (in 2002), holding the certificate proving his work for Schaefer:
Picture left (N15/U1/36) is from the Schäfer expedition archive held in the German Bundesarchive Koblenz.
Below Schäfer’s
co-worker Bruno Beger pictured at work, during the Tibet expedition:
Both pictures
held at the German Bundesarchive Koblenz, 135/KB/15-081 and 135/KB/15/083.
Schäfer was
part of the research for Heinrich Himmler’s pet theory that Jews were
the primitive relatives of Hottentots in Africa. ‘The racial similarities
between the Hottentots, the North Africans, and the Near Eastern peoples
are unmistakable. Among the Jewesses it is noticeable that they have very
well-developed bottoms which could be linked to the fat bottomed lineage
seen amongst Hottentots and bushmen.' (Michael Kater, Das Ahnenerbe der
SS, 1935-1945, 1974, p. 207)
At the end
of January 1940, Himmler invited the contrite Schäfer to join him on the
Sonderzug Heinrich that managed the murderous policies in Poland at the
time. (C.Hale, Himmler’s Crusade, 2003, p. 315) The question is of course
what Leopold gain from Schäfer’s presence during his 'etnological' research
in the Belgian Congo, why did he choose Schäfer, a former SS man who was
activly involved with Heinrich Himmler before?
Tutsis, whose occupation was said to have been cattle keeping, were labelled descendants of the Aryan or Caucasoid race; and Hutus as cultivators were designated a Negroid or Bantu race. The colonialists decided, without of course bothering to consult them, that the former were "foreigners" from somewhere in the north of Africa and the latter the original inhabitants of the area.
During the colonial
period, the Belgian Catholic Church permitted only Tutsis to become priests.
After WW II, Hutu catechists led by Grégoire Kayibanda complained about
this injustice and received a favorable hearing from the church hierarchy.
Kayibanda formed a political party called the Mouvement Démocratique Républicain
(MDR) in 1959, while Tutsi monarchists founded the Union Nationale Rwandaise
(UNAR). The MDR orchestrated pogroms against Tutsis that year resulting
in thousands of casualties, which the Belgian administration notably failed
to prevent. An estimated 300,000 Tutsis fled the country as refugees, mainly
to
Burundi and
Uganda. See: http://selfdetermine.irc-online.org/conflicts/rwanda_body.html
Also in 1959 a new definition of Rwandans emerged. In a pastoral letter
"in the name of love," Catholic Bishop Andr Perraudin grouped Rwandans
into "races." See: http://www.gov.rw/government/07_11_01_genocideweek2.htm
The report of the international commission of inquiry on the November 1959 unrest in Rwanda also clearly noted: "The Belgian authorities exercised a decisive impact on the evolution of unrest – in certain chiefdoms, in the north of Rwanda, practically no Tutsi household was saved.." The revolutionaries' slogan at that time was "Long live Belgium," and as of 1960 they declared they wanted 25 years more under colonial rule.
D.Temple-Raston in Justice on the Grass (2005) reported how in most instances, the Hutu were obliged to work for Tutsi by the Belgian colonists before. “They tilled their land or grazed their cattle. Enlisting the Tutsi as de facto rulers allowed the Belgians to develop and exploit an enormous network of tea and coffee plantations without having to install a contingent of Belgians on the ground. The Belgians appreciated the natural orderliness of this so much that they institutionalized the differences between Hutu and Tutsi in a series of administrative measures between 1926 and 1932. They issued identity cards, dividing everyone as either Hutu or Tutsi. Anyone who owned ten cows was automatically designated a Tutsi, so that the system was based more on caste than on ethnicity. Only Tutsi were worth educating, Hutu were too stupid to civil service jobs ,also reserved for the Tutsi. The very act of recording the ethnic groups not only made them more important but fundamentally changed their character. The Hutu and Tutsi designations were no longer amorphous categories; instead, they became inflexible. Europeans began to refer to them as ethnic differences. The elite, the Tutsi, were the immediate beneficiaries, and they played that superiority to its best advantage.” (Temple-Raston, 2005, p. 19.)
But the Belgium
Government indeed did not have a good track record in regards to people
they have a relationship with but are outside their very limited border.
Initially Winston
Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, was equally infuriated. In
1944, he recalled that the Belgians had been 'the most contemptible of
all the neutrals.' (Churchill to Eden, 27 May 1944, in Keyes, p. 400.)
Leopold, said Churchill, was 'a feeble specimen, thoroughly representative of the Belgian nation which vainly hoped to keep out of this war, no matter what they owed to those who saved them in the last war.' (SOMA PC24 nr. 1, pp. 147-50.)
But more important , on 13 April, the King instructed the Belgian ministers to 'take swift action against Allied propaganda in Belgium.' The same day, he ordered Paul-Emile Janson, the Minister of Justice, and Robert De Foy, the head of the Sûreté de l'Etat, the Belgian secret service, to draw up lists of 'suspect Belgians and foreigners.' Those on the lists were to be arrested, extradited or 'placed in concentration camps' as soon as national security required. 'Be unyielding towards those who serve an anti-national cause over here,' Leopold said, adding that he 'refused to take` sentimental considerations into account.'(GSA microfilm 2081/1, Minutes cabinet meeting, 8 May 1940.)
The prisoners were stowed in railway wagons bound for France. One victim later recalled: 'It took our train seven days to get from Brussels to Orléans. Under a torrid heat, locked up with 40 people, including women and children, in a hermetically sealed wagon where we had to stay day and night, we suffered from hunger, a lack of air and especially from thirst. We were left for 43 hours without receiving even a drop of water. We were submitted to the brutality of the soldier? accompanying the escort and in many stations we were almost lynced by citizens who had been led to believe that we were parachutists and spies. Many people died en route. (Quoted in J.Gérard-Libois and J.Gotovitch, L'An 40: La Belgique occupée. Brussels: CRISP, 1971, p.114.)
And those who arrived in the South of France were rounded up in Franco-Belgian concentration camps. A German report written three months later states that in Antwerp alone 3,000 suspects were arrested. The majority of them were Jews, about 400 were (non-Jewish) German citizens and 50 were Flemish-Nationalists. Many prominent Flamingants were gaoled, including the former Aktivist leader August Borms. (German Records of Alexandria, 501/102, Wehrmacht Administration Activity Report nr. 7, 4 Aug. 1940, p. 49.)
Jews were not welcomed, after the German Anschluss of Austria on 11 March 1938 for example, Charles du Bus de Warnaffe, the then Belgian Minister of justice, ordered the Belgian Embassy in Vienna to deny visas to Jews. The Minister, a Walloon member of the Catholic Party, opined in Parliament that the Jews had 'for centuries constituted a problem in Europe' and that 'these criminals take our livelihood’.
Late on the evening of 20 May, the first German Panzers rolled into Abbeville at the Franco-Belgian border. French soldiers immediately massacred 21 Belgian prisoners that had not been expatriated yet, including the Canadian, the Dutch grandmother, a German Catholic monk, a Hungarian Jew, a Czech Jew, a Communist Brussels town councillor and the Flemish politician George Van Severen and his deputy. Most were shot, but others, including the grandmother, were savagely stabbed to death with bayonets.
At De Panne, Elisabeth told De Man how glad she was. 'This war is in reality a Revolution,' she exclaimed. 'Hitler is a demon doing a work of necessary destruction. I firmly believe that a more socialist order will result from this.' (Hendrik De Man, Le 'Dossier Léopold III' et autres documents sur la période de la seconde guerre mondiale, réunis, présentés et édités par Michel Brélaz, Ed. Michel Brélaz. Geneva, 1989., pp. 76-7.)
Thousands of civilians imprisoned by the Belgian authorities in France were released by the Germans in the course of the following weeks, including a large number of Jews. They were the only Jews ever liberated by Hitler's army. The Wehrmacht allowed them to return to Belgium. However, 3,537 Jews who had entered Belgium from abroad were kept imprisoned and send to murdered in Auschwitz. They were the only Auschwitz victims who had been arrested on the order of a Western government.
After the war, the Belgian authorities refused to investigate the matter of the deportations. (Nor did anyone ever investigated ,a story worthy in itself , how and on whose orders the Belgian secret service had assisted Heydrich before the war.) Belgium never apologized for what happened, it even refused to repatriate the bodies of the 21 victims in Abbeville. Unlike Cardinal Verdier of Paris, the Belgian Cardinal Van Roey never protested against the persecution of the Jews . Worse, he disbanded the Katholiek Bureau voor Israel, an Antwerp Catholic organisation that tried to help the fugitives. (Max Vanden Berg to Mgr. Kerkhofs, 21 Sept. 1942, in Maxim Steinberg , L'Etoile et le fusil: La traque des juifs, 1942-1944, Brussels,1986. vol. II, p. 201.)
In the meantime
Leopold II declared that staying in Belgium was 'the only way to maintain
Belgium's independence and the continuation of the dynasty.' (Verslag van
de Commissie van Voorlichting, Appendix 38, p. 269.77-1-1) In fact the
journalist Alexander Werth reported that he had 'heard say long ago' that
Leopold had 'a German mistress provided by the Gestapo,' and added, somewhat
prophetically as it soon turned out: 'I suppose he'll be back in the Royal
palace complete with German girl-friend.'(Roger Keyes,Outrageous Fortune:
The Tragedy of Leopold III of the Belgians, 1901-1941, London:, 1984, pp.
365-6 and 388-9)
Indeed back
in his palace in Laken, Leopold was free to receive guests. The first visitor
after his ‘return home’, was Cardinal Van Roey. Together they prepared
a text which the Primate subsequently had read out as a pastoral letter
from all the pulpits during Sunday Mass on 2 June. It explicitly approved
the capitulation, stressed that, contrary to the Government in exile’s
assertion, the King had 'in no way violated the Constitution' and called
upon 'all Belgians to remain united and firm behind the King, the supreme
personification of our Motherland in danger.' The pastoral lettér contained
not a word of criticism of the Germans. On the contrary, the Cardinal seemed
to regard Hitler as an instrument of God: 'Be convinced that we are at
this time witnessing an exceptional act of Divine Providence that reveals
its power through great events before which we feel very small.' (Pastoral
letter, 31 May 1940, published in Bishops, pp. 138-9.) These were Van Roey's
words at the very moment that the Nazi war machine was wiping out the French
army.
In a later letter to Adolf Hitler Leopold’s wife, Lilian wrote that Leopold was “loyal to the Führer.”(Albert De Jonghe , De laatste boodschap van Kiewitz namens koning Leopold III voor Hitler ,15 juni 1944),' Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis, LXV, 2 ,1987, pp. 274-300. pp. 299-300.)
However when a summit meeting was announced between Hitler and Pétain later in 1940, King Leopold lapsed into a depression fearing Hitler would offer Wallonia to France as recompense for the Alsace and Lorraine provinces that had been returned to Germany. Leopold’s sister, Marie-José decided to help. As Crown Princess of Hitler's Axis partner Italy, she had easy access to Hitler. She travelled to Munich on 16 October, and the following day she was received by Hitler in his Alpine residence, the Eagle's Nest on the Obersalzberg above the Bavarian town of Berchtesgaden.
The Führer succumbed to her charm. 'He took my hand,' she recalled later, 'and began to sing the praises of the Northern races: 'Do you know that you are the perfect incarnation of the Aryan princess? A living example of Aryan superiority.' And a whole litany about my figure, my fair hair, my eyes that have the colour of a Germanic sky.'
On 19 November,
King Leopold was received on the Obersalzberg. Hitler pampered his guest.
The Gestapo even provided call-girls. According to Leopold, the very first
thing the Führer said when he welcomed him was: 'I have a very great respect
for you and for your dynasty, because your father has always treated Germany
justly.' (Leopold III to Willequet, 22 Nov. 1976, in J. Willequet Albert
Ie", Roi des Belges: Un portrait politique et humain. Brussels, 1979.,
p. 172.)
When early
in 1944, Leopold began to take into account the possibility that Hitler
might lose the war, he told Minister Van Overstraeten on 24 January that
there would be 'advantages' if the retreating Germans took him along as
a prisoner. He toyed with the idea of having himself deported to Germany
to boost his tarnished popularity in Belgium. (R.Van Overstraeten, Sous
le joug: Léopold III prisonnier. Brussels, 1986, p. 229.)
On 7 June 1944, Leopold got what he wanted. One day after D-day, the landing of the Allies on the beaches of Normandy, Hitler ordered the King deported to Germany with his wife and children to Hirschstein, a medieval castle in Saxony. Though Hirschstein Castle was a 'comfortable and well furnished' dwelling, Leopold asked Hitler to be lodged somewhere else, 'preferably in the Alps.' He next was transferred to a villa on Lake Sankt-Wolf gang in the Austrian Alps east of Salzburg. Since this was close to Gau/ Salzburg. Where Ernst Schäfer led one of the biggest institutes in the ‘Ahnenerbe’, it is possible that this is where the ‚race-scinetist’ and Leopold became known to each other. In fact Ernst Schäfer was famous at the time because of his well-received movie “Secret Tibet”.
It is well known that the African adventures of the Belgians and their kings started with Leopold II's genocide in the Congo and ended with the genocide in Rwanda is rather well known. Belgium acquired a colony due to the manipulations of their leader , King Leopold II rather then that they really wanted in the first place.( See MA dissertation; Leopold the Second, Belgium, and the Congo by Mark A. Howard, 2004.) Then on 4 January 1959, riots erupted in Leopoldville after the Force Publique, the colonial army, banned a meeting organised by Joseph Kasa-Vubu, a local politician. And one week later on 13 January 1959, the King spoke about the riots on Radio Brussels. In his speech, the son of Baudouin announced: 'It is our firm resolve to lead the Congolese peoples, without a hesitancy which might prove fatal, but also without inconsiderate precipitation, to independence in prosperity and peace.' (J.Stengers, L'Action du Roi en Belgique depuis 1831: Pouvoir et influence,1992, p.177.) The speech was a blunder, because it was a lie. The King promised independence, but was not prepared to give it: he hoped that by promising independence, the Congolese would stop demanding it. The speech had been the King's own initiative. In fact, the Government had formulated its own declaration, which was far more cautious.
When they found out it wasn’t true there was political unrest all over the Congo. Kasa-Vubu was no longer the most radical of the Congolese leaders. In Stanleyville (today Kisangani), the capital of the East Province, a charismatic and ambitious young radical, Patrice Lumumba, had organised his own party, the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) and promptly was put in jail.
Thus King Baudouin
decided to go to the Congo himself, and when on 16 December he landed there,
Congolese were convinced that Mwana Kitoko had personally come to release
Lumumba from gaol and put him at the helm of an independent state that
Baudouin would proclaim. When they realised that this was not the case,
they threw stones at his car. The hawkish Pierre Leroy told the King that
if he were authorised to take 'special measures,' order could be restored.
'Go ahead,' Baudouin said, “I will cover you.” (Leroy, Journal de la
Province Orientale, décembre 1958-mai 1960. Mons: P. Leroy,1965, p. 116.)
The ‘Société
Générale ‘responsible for the Belgian administration began to mastermind
a plan against 'Satan,' as Patrice Lumumba was nicknamed in the Belgian
diplomatic telex messages. It is interesting that Baudouin used the code-word
‘Devil’ to designate ‘Lumumba’ in his private diary. This was witnessed
by the later Archbishop of Belgium Cardinal Suenens who spend a lot of
time with Baudouin in private. (Cardinal Leo-Jozef. Suenens , Terugblik
& Verwachting: Herinneringen van een kardinaal,1992. p.96.)
On 9 July, following deliberations between Minister Eyskens, Baudouin and Paul Gillet, the Governor of the Société Générale, Belgian soldiers were flown to Elisabethville (today Lubumbashi), even though there had been no troubles there yet. It was sending 10,000 paratroopers and other soldiers to the Congo to 'evacuate' all Europeans who wanted to leave because of ‘danger’.
Ten days later, Belgian paratroopers stormed the port of Matadi. Twenty Congolese soldiers and policemen were killed in the attack. The Belgians also attacked the barracks of Kolwezi, the Katangâ s mining centre, killing 13 soldiers of Lumumba's army, while Tshombe (backed by the SG) proclaimed the independence of the Katanga. Lumumba called on the United Nations and the United States for help. On 14 July, the UN Security Council decided to send UN troops to the Congo to restore order.
With knowledge by the King Lumumba was arrested on 1 December and imprisoned in Thysville. On 4 January 1961, he managed to smuggle a political statement out of prison. The Belgians, he wrote, 'have corrupted some of our countrymen; others they have bought; they have contributed to the distortion of the truth and the besmirching of our independence.' On 17 January, Lumumba was flown over to the Katanga in a Belgian DC 4, together with two other prisoners, the Congolese Minister of Youth and the Speaker of the Senate.( (RAB K, Weber to Lefébure, 19 Oct. 1960, in G.De Vos, Gérard-Libois and Raxon, Notes for the Parliamentary Inquiry Committee into the Lumumba Assassination, Unpublished document, 6 June 2001, p. 26.)
During the six-hour flight, the three men were severely abused. The plane arrived at Elisabethville shortly before five o'clock in the afternoon. From the airport, they were brought to a house on the outskirts of Elisabethville. There, they were tortured for four hours by Katangese policemen while Belgian officers looked on. Later that evening, the three men were thrown in a car and driven to a place in the bush some 50 kilometres from Elisabethville, where they were executed by Katangese soldiers under Belgian command. On 9 February, a Belgian plane flew a second load of Congolese politicians to their death. This time the destination was Bakwanga in Kalonjï s 'Kingdom of the Kasai.' During the four-hour flight, the prisoners had been almost literally kicked to pieces. One of them had his jaw beaten to bits; it was dangling loose from his head. He had also been blinded. The six died a horrible death at the hands of Kalonji.
Thanks to the
Congo's next strongman from 1961 to 1997 Joseph-Desire Mobutu, the Belgian
royal family retained its huge stake in the former colony.
Then, Baudouin’s
attention shifted to Rwanda, another part of the Belgians' former African
empire. Soon the King regarded the Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana
as his political and religious pupil. Whenever the Belgian royals met the
President and his wife, the four of them went on their knees and prayed
together. Habyârimana belonged to Rwanda's ethnic majority, the Hutu.
When early in October 1990, 2,500 rebels of the Tutsi minority marched on the capital, the King wrote to Prime Minister Martens that it was Belgium's 'duty' to send troops. He also rang up a number of ministers to persuade them. The Cabinet gave in and sent 530 Belgian paratroopers to defend the Hutu regime. In fact the perpetrators of the genocide - most of whom were educated at European universities - planned the killings for at least three years in advance, which brings us to 1991. Familie members Habyarimana's wife, in preparation of a Tutsi genocide, distributed 20,000 rifles, 20,000 hand grenades and 25,000 machetes amongst extremist Hutu during 1992 and 1993.In 1993 the government of Habyarimana imported, three quarters of a million dollars worth of machetes from China. (See: Conspiracy To Murder - The Rwandan Genocide, by Linda Melvern) All this was occurring at a time when Baudouin decided that he had to bring about a 'national reconciliation' between Rwanda's two ethnic groups. Baudouin put pressure on Habyarimana, entreating him to guarantee the Tutsi a say in Rwanda. The new Belgian Constitution probably served as a source of inspiration for the proposal to introduce a parity rule for top civil servants and army officers. But despite his close personal contacts with Habyarimana, Baudouin did not notice that his 'Charismatic friends' were preparing a genocide.
The following website sums up as follows: “they imported an estimated 85,000 tons of munitions and more than half a million machetes, which were distributed to MRND members and stored in secret caches for rapid deployment. They trained special death squads called the Interahamwe, drew up plans for quickly establishing roadblocks around the capital, and distributed "death lists" of important people to kill first — all well before the genocide began. This preparation made possible the swiftness, precision, and ferocity of the killing. "It was Nazi-like in its sophistication and its pace," They trained special death squads called the Interahamwe, drew up plans for quickly establishing roadblocks around the capital, and distributed "death lists" of important people to kill first — all well before the genocide began. This preparation made possible the swiftness, precision, and ferocity of the killing. "It was Nazi-like in its sophistication and its pace," said Samantha Power, author of the Pulitzer Prize–winning A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide, and a fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard”:
http://www.bostonphoenix.com/boston/news_features/other_stories/multi-page/documents/03720730.asp Then on 1 February 1994, Johan Scheers, Habyarimanâ s Belgian attorney, warned Willy Claes the Belgian Prime Minister, and Leo Delcroix, the Belgian Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defence of impending violence and trainings in Rwandan "army's camps" planning the "extermination of the Tutsi". Wilfried Martens, however, saw 'nothing alarming' when he visited Rwanda later that month. Neither did Delcroix and Marie-Johane Roccas, the head of the King's press office, when they toured Rwanda in March. (Belgian Senate 1, testimony Scheers 24 June 1997, doc. 1-90 COM-R; Humo, 16 Nov. 1999, p. 27.)
Also the commander of UN peacekeeping forces in Rwanda, Major General Romeo Dallaire on January 11, 1994, reported to the UN, and the next day went to see the Belgian Ambassador in person(writing in his book that the Ambassador seemed ‘informed already’) a "top level" informant, and trainings in Rwandan “army's camps” planning the "extermination of the Tutsi “.1) In February 1994 a group of Belgian soldiers, roughed up one of the directors of the radio station RTLM in Rwanda a Tutsi, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza,. The Belgian UN soldiers had objected to one of his broadcasts, and they wanted Barayagwiza to know it. The soldiers broke into Barayagwiza's house, beat him in front of his family, and before they departed, aimed a gun at his head and told him that if he or RTLM ever insulted Belgians again, they would return to finish him off. The soldiers were never apprehended. Days later, a convoy carrying Faustin Twagiramungu, a leading moderate Tutsi politician, had been ambushed by what RTLM called "unknown assailants." Twagiramungu escaped, but one of his bodyguards was killed. (D.Temple-Raston, Justice on the Grass, 2005, p.5)
When next ten Belgian soldiers were killed, by Hutu’s however, the UN immediately pulled all of its troops out, basically stating Tutsi’s should take care of themselves. However the mass killings, carefully planned, were not a spontaneous, uncontrollable outpouring of ethnic hatred which, as such, could not be stopped. Nevertheless at least 800,000 people are estimated to have been killed in over just the 100 days days that followed- that was far faster than the Holocaust of the Jews in World War Two!
The first ‘in depth’ book published about the subject was Michael Barnett. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. (Cornell University Press, 2002) and he already concluded that "Rwanda's absence of strategic relevance" by pushing for nonintervention on the grounds that it was civil war, despite UN General Dallaire's letters to the DPKO about "a very well-planned, organized, deliberate and conducted campaign of terror initiated principally by the Presidential guard". A more radical critique of this situation might suggest that those with the knowledge, power, and capacity to intervene in genocide are even more culpable than those illiterate peasants in Rwanda who actually wielded the machetes.
The distinctions between categories of perpetrators included 1) those who planned and oversaw the genocide (the “architects”), 2) those who commanded the army (“FAR”), 3) the local militias (“Interahamwe”), and 4) subordinates who carried out their orders. And perpetrators’ accounts suggested that it was not so much a politicized form of fear of future Tutsi control that motivated ordinary Hutu to kill, but rather well-structured, already entrenched mechanisms of coercion.
1) Foto of the original UN documents in regards to "top level" informant, and trainings in Rwandan "army's camps" planning the "extermination of the Tutsi" were published on pp.238 - 242 of Tower Of Babble by Former Ambassador to the United Nations Dore Gold, 2004.
